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Jang Ji-Hyang and Peter Lee,

“The Syrian Civil War and Its Implications for Korea”
This report discusses the causes behind the protracted nature of Syria’s civil war, how a decisive outcome can be reached, and what South Korea can do to aid such a resolution. It concludes with an analysis of the implications for the Korean Peninsula and offers policy recommendations for what role South Korea should be playing.

Executive Summary

This report discusses the causes behind the protracted nature of Syria’s civil war, how a decisive outcome can be reached, and what South Korea can do to aid such a resolution. It concludes with an analysis of the implications for the Korean Peninsula and offers policy recommendations for what role South Korea should be playing.

Key Causal Factors

This report contends that there are two factors explaining the Syrian civil war. First, the security establishment and the urban elites have been slow to abandon the hereditary dictatorship of Bashar al-Assad out of fear that the ensuing uncertainty will be worse than the status quo. Second, while Iran, Russia, and China have continued to steadfastly support the regime, the international anti-Assad coalition’s competing goals have led to sporadic and incoherent support for the rebel opposition mainly composed of low-ranking conscripts, civilians, and foreign fighters.

International Policy Recommendations

The current strategy of calling for Assad to step down while cautiously arming the rebels has been ineffective. First, a concerted effort is required to remove key elements of Assad’s security apparatus from the current balance of forces by encouraging their defection and providing more aggressive and direct incentives rather than negotiating with the regime’s leadership. Breaking up the cohesiveness of the core military elites and triggering an internal coup will be the key to finishing the civil war. Second, there needs to be agreement between Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Qatar—the rebel’s major supporters—with the United States and European Union on more direct and coordinated military funding and intervention. These countries must also be prepared to offer concessions to Iran, Russia, and China to secure their reluctant acquiescence for Assad’s departure, such as assuring them that a pro-Western, radical Sunni regime will not take over.

South Korean Policy Recommendations

Syria is a test of whether the international community can work together to end civil wars in the face of entrenched resistance, domestically and internationally. As an internationally active middle power, South Korea should continue to use its position at the United Nations Security Council to call upon the Assad regime to respect the rights of civilians. It should significantly increase its aid contribution for Syrian refugees, which is currently only $5 million. It should also offer greater humanitarian assistance for the more than 2 million refugees residing in neighboring Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon, and Iraq, where its political and economic interests are quite strong.

Lessons for the Korean Peninsula

Finally, there are important lessons South Korea can learn from the Syrian civil war vis-à-vis North Korea. If North Korea were to experience a sudden, popular uprising that eventually led to civil war, the twin variables of internal cohesion and external division may similarly hold true. After all, both Syria and North Korea are resilient, dynastic hereditary succession regimes dependent on the backing of China, Russia, and Iran. In the event of a North Korean civil war, we may witness the similar kind of regime survival and international stalemate that has prevailed in Syria. Therefore, South Korea and the international community should focus on two goals: the defection of key military elites and incentivizing China to abandon Kim Jong-un.

First, it will be crucial to focus exclusively on key units in the security establishment strategically located in urban areas, such as the Pyongyang Defense Command and the Guard Command, and facilitate the defection of high-ranking officers by providing amnesties, financial incentives, and evacuation plans. Second, it will be decisive to provide incentives to China, Russia, and Iran to give up their support for Kim Jong-un as the leader of North Korea. The threat of regional economic collapse could incentivize China, in particular, to quickly seek an end to hostilities. While the Syrian civil war has not destroyed the economies and oil production of the region, a prolonged crisis in North Korea will have a devastating effect on China’s economy.

About Experts

장지향
장지향

지역연구센터

장지향 박사는 아산정책연구원의 수석연구위원이자 지역연구센터 센터장이다. 외교부 정책자문위원(2012-2018)을 지냈고 현재 산업부, 법무부, 국방부 자문위원으로 활동하고 있다. 한국외국어대학교에서 문학사, 정치학 석사 학위를, 미국 텍사스 오스틴 대학교(University of Texas at Austin)에서 정치학 박사 학위를 받았다. 주요연구 분야는 중동 정치경제, 정치 이슬람, 비교 민주주의와 독재, 극단주의 테러와 안보, 국제개발협력 등이다. 대표 저서로 중동정치를 비교분석한 «최소한의 중동 수업» (시공사 2023), 클레멘트 헨리(Clement Henry)와 공편한 The Arab Spring: Will It Lead to Democratic Transitions? (Palgrave Macmillan 2013), 논문으로 “팔레스타인 지도부의 정쟁과 이스라엘-팔레스타인 갈등의 전망” (아산이슈브리프 2022), 『중동 독재 정권의 말로와 북한의 미래』 (아산리포트 2018), “Disaggregated ISIS and the New Normal of Terrorism” (Asan Issue Brief 2016), “Islamic Fundamentalism” (International Encyclopedia of the Social Sciences 2008) 등이 있다. 옮긴 책으로는 파와즈 게르게스(Fawaz Gerges)의 «지하디스트의 여정» (아산정책연구원 2011)이 있다.

피터 리
피터 리

지역연구센터

피터 리 박사는 아산정책연구원의 지역연구센터 연구위원이다. 주요 연구 분야는 인도-태평양 안보, 미국 동맹체제, 중견국 외교 등이다. 호주 시드니대학교 미국학연구소 외교안보센터 연구위원 그리고 멜버른대학교 아시아연구소 한국국제교류재단 연구위원을 역임했다. 최근 연구 저서로는 “한미 방위산업협력에서 상호 신뢰와 열망의 조화” (아산 이슈브리프 2024년 5월), “미국 동맹국들의 확장억제에 대한 신뢰 비교” (아산 이슈브리프 2024년 3월), “인도태평양지역 다극체제 미래와 한국의 국력” (시드니대 미국학연구소 2024년 2월), “왜 미국 해군력은 아시아 동맹국이 필요한가” (워온더락 2024년 1월), “호주국방전략서의 주요 내용과 함의” (국방대학교 안보현안분석 2023년 9월)가 있다. 호주 멜버른대학교에서 정치학 학사, 국제관계학 석사학위를 받고, 호주국립대학교에서 전략학 박사 학위를 취득하였다.